Many South Africans, especially firearm owners are deeply concerned about the new regulations concerning private security published in the government gazette on 28 March 2025.
This bill, if passed, will severely hamper private security in South Africa, making South Africans even more vulnerable to violent crime, and will leave them with no choice but to legally arm themselves.
In short, here is a list of the effects the bill will have.
- Ban armed guards from working if their company is merely under investigation—not convicted, just accused.
- Restrict firearm use in public spaces like malls, churches, and even homes.
- Impose undefined limits on ammunition (what’s a “reasonable quantity”?)
- Mandate annual psych tests with no clarity on standards—employer-funded, of course.
- Outlaw vital tools like rubber bullets, water cannons, and even Tasers (yes, really).
- Demand impossible-to-meet tech like firearm tracking devices that don’t even exist.
- Clamp down on semi-auto rifles—crippling high-risk units and mine security.
Here are the key takeaways from the bill:
- Regulatory Weaponisation Through Investigations:
The proposed changes introduce a rule that allows regulators to effectively cripple a security firm’s operations solely on the basis of an investigation or misconduct enquiry, regardless of whether any wrongdoing has been proven.
This amounts to a presumption of guilt, which can be maliciously exploited by competitors, corrupt actors, or disgruntled parties to sabotage a legitimate firm by triggering investigations.
The mere existence of an enquiry would disqualify the firm from issuing firearms to its personnel—paralysing core services without formal suspension or due process.
- Severe Operational Limits in Public Areas
A further provision would make it almost impossible for armed officers to operate in public spaces—including malls, restaurants, schools, hospitals, and even residential streets—unless those locations meet an extensive and unclear list of regulatory conditions.
This undermines the core model of armed response and patrol services, especially in urban environments.
Clients may be left unprotected, and security officers legally constrained from acting where they’re most needed.
- Ambiguity and Subjectivity in Ammunition Limits
The draft regulations seek to restrict armed officers to carrying only a “reasonable” amount of ammunition, without defining what “reasonable” means.
This vagueness is a liability, given the diverse operational contexts in which firms operate—e.g., a mine in a remote area has very different needs than a suburban patrol unit.
What one inspector or regulator sees as excessive may be mission-critical in another context, creating legal uncertainty and uneven enforcement.
- Mandated Medical and Psychological Screening – Without Standards
All armed security officers would be subject to annual physical, psychiatric, and psychometric assessments.
While the principle is sound, the regulations offer no clarity on who qualifies to perform these assessments, what the benchmarks are, or how reliability and objectivity will be ensured.
This not only places a massive financial and logistical burden on security firms, but also opens the door to inconsistent or even fraudulent certifications.
- Restrictions on Tactical Equipment Undermine Security Capabilities
The amendments seek to heavily restrict the use of semi-automatic rifles, limiting their deployment to a narrow list of circumstances (like cash-in-transit).
This would render many tactical intervention units and high-risk security teams ineffective, especially those protecting mines, industrial facilities, warehouses, and executive clients.
Armed gangs, including illegal miners and hijackers, often operate with rifles; these changes would strip security officers of the tools necessary to meet such threats.
- Impossible-to-Implement Firearm Tracking Mandate
Firms would be required to install tracking devices in every firearm to monitor usage and possession.
However, no such viable commercial technology currently exists—certainly not at scale, and not within the legal and technical confines of firearm design.
This is a textbook example of regulatory overreach without feasibility, and duplicates existing legal requirements for registers and designated firearm managers.
- Ban on Less-Lethal Tools Hampers Crowd Control
The proposal would prohibit use of several essential crowd-control tools including rubber bullets, water cannons, Tasers, and sponge grenades.
The only path to use would involve an onerous exemption process, even in high-risk protest or riot situations.
By banning these tools outright, the amendments risk forcing officers into more dangerous confrontations or leaving them helpless altogether, increasing risk to public safety and officer welfare.
- Overregulation Without Addressing Core Enforcement Failures
The overarching problem is that these amendments focus on creating new layers of bureaucracy, while failing to address the root cause of criminality in the sector—namely, the lack of enforcement of existing regulations.
Rogue and corrupt firms thrive due to inefficiency, poor oversight, and institutional failure within PSIRA and SAPS.
Burdening compliant players with more red tape will do nothing to stop criminal elements, and may even drive more firms underground.
Conclusion and Strategic Risk Outlook:
These amendments, if passed, could destabilize a R45+ billion sector, jeopardise over half a million jobs, and significantly reduce public safety capacity.
Instead of strengthening oversight, the draft rules risk:
-Punishing law-abiding firms for unproven accusations
-Making routine armed response illegal in practice
-Creating vague and unenforceable operational criteria
-Forcing impractical compliance with non-existent technology
-Rendering security teams under-equipped against violent threats
Urgent Recommendations are perfectly summarised by
Speaking with SAGA, Gideon Joubert from Paratus had the following to say:
Scrap the current draft. Prioritise enforcement of existing laws, target rogue firms through criminal prosecution, and initiate a genuine consultation process with industry stakeholders to develop workable, proportionate reforms.
Joubert further says:
“If these amendments aim to tighten control over the private security industry to root out rogue and criminal players, they are taking the wrong path. Most would agree that purging harmful entities is a vital task for the regulatory authority—but this can be achieved by enforcing existing laws, not piling on new burdens. Criminal groups thrive by exploiting corruption and inefficiency in state bodies like SAPS and PSIRA, operating as sham security firms. The rational fix is to investigate, prosecute, and convict these bad actors, not to saddle a critical industry with costly, crippling restrictions that punish legitimate players and weaken their ability to serve the public and state. By pushing these changes, the regulator risks harming the very industry it is meant to protect—along with its clients, employees, and the broader economy. If enacted, they will leave us with a less safe, less secure society.”
We will fight this. If the state cannot protect you, you should be allowed to do it yourself and also appoint the company of your choice to lawfully do so.
This should come as a final wake up call for South Africans to legally arm themselves. Your personal security, and the security of your community and family, will soon be your responsibility and yours alone.
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